In the previous post, I mentioned the longest continuous
Indus inscription, which appears in three lines on a seal (M-314). According to Korvink’s analysis, there are
also some inscriptions with multiple units of information in a single line. One of these reads: FAT EX / PINCH // PRAWN /
ZEE / CROSSROADS EX // POT // FAT EX / PINCH // CIRCLED TRI-FORK // POT (M-626) (note that there is another line in the inscription, but this single line is the focus here). In this inscription, the “X” shaped sign at the beginning
(FAT EX) couples with the long and short lines (PINCH) to make up a prefix (P). The appearance of the first POT, a terminal sign (T), signals the end of the first unit of information. This is followed by the same prefix as before
(FAT EX / PINCH). The second unit of
information ends with the same terminal sign as the first (POT). The only part that differs in these two units
of the inscription is the middle (M).
The first medial segment contains three signs (PRAWN / ZEE / CROSSROADS
EX), the second having only one (CIRCLED TRI-FORK). Thus we may represent the components of this
inscription as follows: PMT+PMT (+M).
According to the hypothesis that seal inscriptions contain names
and titles, one would assume that this relatively long sequence must contain
two such name + title sequences. Korvink
comments: “The two units of information here, rendered similarly, must
represent two analogous units of information (two titles?) and not a title with
appended auxiliary information” (2007: 73).
In the eyes of this author, this situation is problematic, because one
person would not have more than one title and would have no practical use for a
seal with someone else’s name and title alongside his own.
Elamite cylinder seal impression, with image and an inscription of three lines. |
I see two possible explanations for such compound
inscriptions, however. In the first
place, some ancient peoples allowed a single person to bear more than one
title. In the previous post, I noted
examples from Mesopotamia and from Egypt where a single person certainly had
more than one title. Another such
example comes from Turkey: AN-LUGAL-...,
(name 1) city ruler of the god Assur (title
1), son of Ikunum (name 2), city ruler of the god Assur (title 2) (Collon
2005: 42-3, no. 136, Period IV, 2000-1500 BCE).
Here, a single title is repeated, as the seal owner and his father both
served as city rulers. There are also
multiple examples following the following pattern: Ibbi-Sin (name 1), god of his
country (title 1), king of the Four
Quarters (title 2): Aham-arshi (name
2), the scribe (title 3), son of Babati (name 3), is your servant (title 4) (2005: 36-7,
no. 118). In this case, the first named
person has two titles, while the second essentially has two as well (scribe and
servant), with a patronymic that includes a name, in addition (son of Babati). Archeologists characterize the Indus Valley
Civilization as more egalitarian than either Egypt or Mesopotamia. So the multiplication of kingly titles found
in Egypt and Mesopotamia may not be equally characteristic of the Harappan
leaders. But it may still be the case
that a single Harappan held more than one title, even if this was relatively uncommon.
Early cuneiform cylinder seal with image and inscription. |
In the second place, I would compare such compound Indus
inscriptions with inscriptions from the Near East that contain names and titles
of two people. The most common form for these includes a
patronymic, an indication that the first person (with his title) is the son of
the second person (with his title).
Another common form occurs when the first person named is the king,
sometimes given more than one title, followed by the name of the seal owner,
who is the “servant” of the king. A
third type indicates that the seal owner (with or without an accompanying
title) is the servant or beloved of a deity (with or without accompanying
titles). Examples of the first two types
are given in the previous paragraph. A
combination of the third type with elements from the others is as follows: Ilum-muttabbil, purification-priest of (the
goddess) Inanna of Zabalam, son of Shu-ili (2005: 45, no. 157). Thus, I consider that the hypothesis of a
nominative function for Indus seals remains a possibility. It is not disconfirmed either by long
inscriptions that contain more than one unit of information, or by comparison
of inscriptions of varying lengths that serve the same function. Of course, this does not prove that the
hypothesis is correct.
Indus bas-relief tablet H-187 with inscription (right to left): STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES // POT / COMB (no prefix, two-sign terminal). |
Korvink notes that if one accepts the thesis that the
inscriptions contain names and titles, one must decide where the name ends and
the title begins. He points out four
inscriptions containing the sign sequence STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES,
demonstrating the difficulty of this determination. In the first two examples, these two signs
comprise the whole of the inscription, there being neither a prefix nor a
terminal. (I do not find the precise
inscriptions he cites in the first two volumes of the Corpus and his citation by numbers given in Mahadevan’s concordance,
which makes it difficult to match them with the artifact numbers found in the Corpus).
However, M-1307 and M-1353 both contain these two signs plus the most
frequently occurring terminal, POT. Another
inscription is identical except for the addition of a second terminal sign,
COMB (H-187).
(M-1307) STRIPED
TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES // POT
(H-187) STRIPED
TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES // POT / COMB
(M-58) CIRCLED
VEE / BI-QUOTES // STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES // POT
(M-245) CIRCLED
VEE / BI-QUOTES // STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES / BOAT /
SKEWERED CHEVRON
// TRI-FORK TOPPED POT / POT
In the third example, the same two triangular signs are
preceded by a common prefix (CIRCLED VEE / BI-QUOTES), as well as followed by the
same terminal (POT). In the fourth and
last example, the same two medial signs are preceded by the same prefix as in
the previous example (CIRCLED VEE / BI-QUOTES before STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE
TRIANGLES). Two additional medial signs
follow: BOAT / SKEWERED CHEVRON. At the end,
there is a terminal pair (TRIDENT TOPPED POT / POT).
Seal M-58 with inscription: CIRCLED VEE / BI-QUOTES // STRIPED TRIANGLE / TRIPLE TRIANGLES / POT (containing a prefix, the same medial segment as in H-187, and a single-sign terminal). |
In these examples, the last two are sufficiently long, in
Korvink’s estimation, to contain a title (as they contain the three elements, PMT),
but the first two are not (containing either M alone or MT, depending on
whether one follows his examples or mine).
Assuming that the seal’s function would be the same regardless of the
inscription’s length, Korvink concludes that the nominative function is ruled
out.
However, inscriptions from Near Eastern cylinder seals
provide examples of similar variations – a name alone, a name plus a second
name joined by either a patronymic or statement of servanthood, a name plus
occupation, a name plus association with a deity, or a combination of a number
of these possibilities. Thus, I consider
the nominative function to remain viable for Indus seals.
Funeral monument of King Wadj, showing the royal serekh (a building) with the snake indicating his name, and the royal falcon on top (after Malek 2003: 36). |
In early Egyptian, in a similar way, the king’s name may be
the only true writing on a tag or seal.
But other symbols occur with the name as indicators of kingship, e.g.,
the falcon of Horus or the Set animal (or both), the serekh, occasionally a “rosette.” The falcon atop a serekh bearing the snake
glyph of his name appears on a stela of King Wadji from his tomb at Abydos
(Malek 2003: 36). The royal rosette
occurs on the palette of Narmer and on the mace head of King Scorpion, both
objects from the temple at Hierakonpolis (2003: 29-31). The presence of two or more such indicators
of status for a single king’s name is not unusual. For example, the pharaoh’s name is also enclosed
in a serekh at the top of each side
of Narmer’s palette, as well as the rosette behind him. And the falcon perches on the serekh of King Wadji, both indicators of
royalty. In these cases, the falcon, the
serekh, and the rosette are symbols,
each of which represents royal status.
Thus, these symbols have meaning, but they do not function as signs in a
script on these early objects.
Detail from the mace head of King Scorpion, showing the king, the (damaged) scorpion before him indicating his name, and the royal rosette (after Malek 2003: 29). |
If the Indus script functioned in a manner similar to the
earliest Egyptian, we might expect such elements as the STRIPED TRIANGLE and
TRIPLE TRIANGLES (quoted in Korvink’s example) to represent the personal name
of a high-status individual. The
presence of this pair as the whole inscription would be perfectly adequate on a
tag or label, as it would indicate that the object or container to which the
tag was attached belonged to this individual or was intended for this
individual. Adding a terminal to a
two-sign name might not serve a linguistic function, such as the honorific
ending that Fairservis proposed (1992: 173).
Instead, it could be a way of providing more information, say, a place
name or, as Mahadevan suggests, a representation of social status, similar to
the Egyptian rosette.
In the Mixtec codices of Mesoamerica, again there are
symbols that represent names, often of humans but sometimes of deities (Smith
1973). A person is depicted in pictorial
form, with his or her name written most often as a date (the birthdate). Some have a single name, the birthdate, while
others have two, the birthday plus an epithet or title, and occasionally
someone has three: 3-Monkey (a man, 1 name, p. 225); 9-Movement (a male deity,
p. 296); 7-Grass “talking Tlaloc” (a man, 2 names), and 6-Monkey “Serpent
Quechquemitl” “Warband Quechquemitl” (woman, 3 names) (1973: 221). Here, the significance of a person or god
having one name, two, or even three, is not well understood. Nevertheless, it is clear that a single name
serves the same nominative or identifying function as a name plus title(s), or
a series of names.
Mixtec glyph representing the place "Hill of the Road" (after Smith 1973: 224). |
In the Mixtec codices, there are also glyphs representing
specific places, some made from a semi-standardized symbol for a hill, with
additional elements specifying which hill is meant (“Hill of the Road” and yucu ñu ycu p. 224). Other place names contain a rectangle
decorated with a stepped design, along with specifying elements (ytno diyuchi, with a triple motif
resembling a lit candle, ytno nino maa
with a person standing on the rectangular element, p. 231). Still other place names are represented by a
building atop either the rectangle or the hill motif (Tilantongo from the map
of Teozacoalco on the rectangle, the same place sign on the hill from Codex
Nuttall, p. 234). Actual dates of
historical events are also represented, with the so-called “A-O year sign,” alongside
a “week” glyph, plus circles to indicate the day numeral (e.g., beneath two
place signs in the Lienzo of Zacatepec, p. 270). Water is another symbol, with rivers depicted
in a semi-standardized form as well (p. 272).
Thus, toponyms (place names) occur as well as names of persons and
deities, even though much of the Mixtec language is never encoded in this
proto-writing system. This suggests a second
possibility for the nominative function of Indus inscriptions. They may represent places rather than (or in
addition to) names and titles of people.
Mixtec glyph for the place Tilantongo (after Smith 1973: 234). |
In Egypt, some of the earliest tags may include hieroglyphs
representing the name of a town or nome (an administrative section of the
country something like a province or county).
This may indicate the area from which the tagged commodities came
(O’Connor 2009: 144-145). According to
this interpretation, the Egyptian proto-king who was buried in Tomb U-j at
Abydos received funeral equipment from 45 different towns. We might hypothesize that the simplest Indus
inscriptions – those containing only a “medial” segment – symbolize locations,
whether names of villages and towns, larger areas such as regions, or smaller
areas such as quarters of a city. Then
the addition of a prefix might add information on the affiliation of a town,
similar to the Egyptian specification of a particular town as being in a
certain nome. The terminal might
indicate the larger region, perhaps one of the cultural regions that Possehl
describes: Kulli domain, Sindhi domain, Sorath domain, Northwestern
borderlands, Harappa domain, Cholistan domain, Anarta Chalcolithic, and Eastern
domain (2002: 7).
King Tut's names, on left as carved and painted on a cartouche-shaped chest, on right as embossed on book cover (Hawass n.d.). |
The cartouche containing the name of a pharaoh might contain
some of his titles, some of which convey geographical information of a general
sort. For example, a cartouche-shaped
chest found in Tutankhamun’s tomb contains his name, followed by three symbols
indicating that he was lord (the shepherd’s crook) of Upper Egypt (a pillar
resembling a butter churn) and of Lower Egypt (the sedge plant). There are, thus, ten symbols inside this
cartouche (Hawass 2009: 4). Three spell
out the divine Ram’s name, Amun (with the zigzag water, n, being superfluous since its sound is also comprised in the gameboard
above it, mn). Three spell out the first syllable of the
king’s name, Tut (bread loaf, chick, bread loaf, each indicating a single
consonant). One glyph by itself
represents the middle syllable of his name (the ankh symbol, “life”). The
three signs at the end are an abbreviated title in which each symbol represents
at least one word, with grammatical elements unrepresented.
Canopic jar of Tjuya with four lines of hieroglyphs (after Davis 2000: Pl. XVII). |
A canopic jar belonging to Tjuya also bears a brief text, a
magical inscription, but this one serving a protective function (Hawass 2009:
135): “Words spoken by Selket: My two arms will embrace what is inside,
extending protection around Qebehsenuef who is therein, the one revered before
Qebehsenuef, the Osiris, king’s ornament, lady of the house, Tjuya.” The first phrase is a standard opening of
many inscriptions (ddi n ___,
“Words spoken by ...”). The spell
indicates that the scorpion goddess, Selket, will protect the viscera in the
jar, which are also guarded by one of the sons of the falcon god, Horus. The name of the son, Qebehsenuef, reveals
that it was intestines that were stored in this particular jar. The other phrases refer to the lady whose
remains were partly contained in this and three other canopic jars, namely
Tjuya. She was “the one revered before
Qebehsenuef,” she was dead and therefore “the Osiris” in this case, and in life
she had been “the king’s ornament” as the king’s mother-in-law. She was the mother of Tiye, the Great Royal
Wife of pharaoh Amenhotep III. She was
also “lady of the house” as a noblewoman, possibly serving as regent for the
youthful king, alongside her husband, Yuya.
Again, though a single person, Tjuya had a number of titles, some of
them specific to her role in life, some of them more general and shared with
other people in death (e.g., “the Osiris”).
Detail from ivory armband depicting the oba of Benin gripping two mudfishes -- the ivory, the costume worn by the oba, and the mudfishes are all royal prerogatives (after Cable 1984: 126). |
Turning to sub-Saharan Africa, we can find instances of
symbols used as identifiers in the absence of writing. The kingdom of Benin provides several
examples, where the majority of these standardized symbols are royal in nature
(Cable 1984: 110-137). Items carved from
elephant ivory and cast in gold take the forms of royal emblems such as the
leopard, elephant, and mudfish. The oba or king also had the sole right to
wear jewelry of coral. He had many
bronze or brass plaques that also included such symbols alongside more
naturalistic representations. “At
important public ceremonies his [the oba’s]
ritual costume would include carved ivory masks, worn in groups of three on the
belt of his traditional kilt. Only he
had the right to wear a mask shaped like a leopard....The original white color
of the ivory, which provided a startling contrast with the famous red coral
beads that adorned the oba’s sacred
garb, symbolized purity and peace” (1984: 122).
Leather fan with ornamentation, showing the royal elephant at the top, a symbol of the oba of Benin (after Cable 1984: 134). |
In this case, neither the zoomorphic symbols of the oba nor the materials specific to his status (coral, ivory, bronze,
and gold) represent words. Nevertheless,
they are still meaningful symbols and, in a way, serve a function akin to
naming (i.e., the nominative function).
The individual oba is not distinguished from others, his predecessors
and those who will follow him, by these kinds of symbols. But then, the oba was considered a god,
immortal, though one who changed his face periodically. It was therefore not important to distinguish
the individual symbolically as it was for the Egyptians and Sumerians. It is possible that the Indus symbols had a
similar type of non-linguistic meaning as well, representing statuses or
institutions, in effect, rather than individuals.
Detail of inscribed brick from the ziggurat of Choga Zanbil (after Potts 1999: 226, Pl. 7.7). |
On a final note for this post, I will briefly address the possible narrative function of the script. As Korvink observes, if the Indus script was intended to serve a narrative function, we would expect to find considerably longer texts (2007: 74). Some researchers insist that these did indeed exist, but were written on perishable materials and are lost to us. However, in Mesopotamia and Egypt such longer texts were not confined to perishable media. Elamite kings often had bricks inscribed with narrative messages (Potts 1999: 226 Pl. 7.7 and 232 Fig. 7.9). The first example depicted contains 6 lines of text that together cover the whole of one side of the brick. The second contains 10 lines, though the brick itself is broken. In each case, there are considerably more than 30 signs, a total never matched in any Indus inscription. Statues and figurines also bear inscriptions in the Near East, sometimes on the base but at other times on the back, the arm, or the torso of the figure. In the Indus Valley, both bricks and statues have been excavated, but none bear inscriptions. Therefore, as Korvink states, most scholars agree that the Indus script did not serve a narrative function.
REFERENCES
Cable, M. and the editors of Tree Communications, Inc. 1984. Treasures of the World: The African Kings. New York: Select Books.
Davis, T.M. 2000 (and 1907). The Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou: The Finding of the Tomb. London: Duckworth.
Hawass, Z. n.d. Tutankhamun and the Golden Age of the Pharaohs. Washington, DC: National Geographic.
Korvink, M.P. 2007. The Indus Script: A Positional Statistical Approach. Gilund Press (Amazon).
Malek, J. 2003. Egypt: 4000 Years of Art. London: Phaidon.
Potts, D.T. 1999. The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. Cambridge: University Press.
Smith, M.E. 1973. Picture Writing from Ancient Southern Mexico: Mixtec Place Signs and Maps. Norman: University of Oklahoma.
No comments:
Post a Comment